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91.
吴桃  沙建华 《民族学刊》2020,11(6):36-41, 157-158
位于武陵山区石柱土家族自治县的金铃乡银杏村,是集少数民族、革命地区、集中连片的特困地区。一方面该村以自然山水风光为资源禀赋,以培育民族文化精神高地为乡村振兴“铸魂”、“赋能”;以“非遗文化+扶贫”的路子,激活了乡村的内生动力;文化扶贫直抵人心取得了“点石成金”的效果,让土家人充分享受到文化释放的红利。另一方面,该村作为“民族团结进步示范村”,以做深做实民族团结工作为抓手,充分让民族政策惠及土家万户,生动地实现了民族团结之花在土家大地上常开常盛。一个个串联成珠的实践案例,为武陵山打赢脱贫攻坚战更好地接续乡村振兴发挥了活标杆的示范引领作用,向世人展示一幅色彩斑斓的美丽乡村新图景。  相似文献   
92.
The uneven development of minimum incomes in Spain is one of the factors that explain the significant differences in the poverty indicators that characterize the Spanish regions, generally in favour of the territories most committed to these policies (Basque Country, Navarra and Asturias). However, there are other aspects that deserve some consideration when interpreting the specific method of developing minimum incomes in southern Europe. One aspect has to do with the differing dynamics of countries, such as Spain and Italy, which have opted for a decentralized regional model. In this regard, the regional autonomous initiative of the Basque Country played a decisive role in promoting minimum income programs in the late 1980s. Without its leadership in the launch of the regional minimum income policy, Spanish trade unions would probably not have opted for this method as a mechanism for combating poverty in the 1990s. No Italian region went on to play this driving role at that time. This article analyses the ideological foundations of the Basque minimum income policy introduced in the late 1980s and which grew significantly before and during the crisis that started in 2007-2008. It examines the dominant political narrative on this issue by analysing the discourse of some of the key nationalist leaders involved in the birth and development of the minimum income scheme. The approach shows that the experience of social decline linked to industrial restructuring processes was instrumental in the construction of the nationalist narrative.  相似文献   
93.
中国扶贫实践中出现的"贫困户生计能力提升不足"倾向源于可持续生计框架与现代贫困观念之间的冲突,而"社会参与"则为解决冲突提供了一种可能。2020年后,面对新的贫困现象和贫困结构,"参与式"反贫困理念能够通过社会参与链接可持续生计框架和现代贫困观念,在贫困治理过程中充分体现贫困者的参与性,形成主体意识和责任意识,提升个体或家庭改善生计系统的能力,使其摆脱困境、规避陷入贫困的风险,进而形成权利-义务相平衡、对城市和农村具有包容性、常态化、可持续的贫困治理策略,使全体社会成员实现不虞匮乏的生活。  相似文献   
94.
“干部积极干,农户站边看”的贫困群体脱贫逆化现象影响着农村社会的健康发展和脱贫攻坚工作的高效开展。通过田野调查发现,贫困农户脱贫主体性不足的发生逻辑首先在于小农理性下受利益驱使的农户形成争当贫困户的“自愿型贫困”,造成贫困农户“不愿”脱贫;其次,贫困农户在贫困识别、资源匹配和脱贫行动选择方面因决策受限形成“边缘化治贫”,造成农户的“不能”脱贫;最后,贫困农户受贫困文化影响导致“精神贫困”,造成贫困农户的“内卷化脱贫”。因此,需要从增加贫困农户脱贫意愿和强化贫困农户内生脱贫能力两个维度来构建贫困农户的有效脱贫主体性。  相似文献   
95.
保护幼儿的生命和健康是幼儿园教育工作的首位。对甘肃六个经济落后县域的乡村幼儿园教师进行问卷调查和访谈,了解到乡村幼儿园教师对待户外健康教学活动的态度是积极的、户外健康教学活动实施的胜任水平有待提高、教学理论支持户外健康教学活动的实施不尽如人意、对幼儿运动负荷量的把握情况不容乐观、对户外健康教学活动与游戏活动的关系理解不清晰。提出调动乡村幼儿园男教师设计与实施健康教学活动的热情、开展丰富乡村幼儿园教师教学理论知识的专项培训、通过专题研讨帮助乡村幼儿园教师理解幼儿运动负荷量的重要性、分析优秀案例帮助乡村幼儿园教师厘清教学和游戏的关系等建议。  相似文献   
96.
ABSTRACT

The Children Future Education and the Development Accounts (CFEDAs) are the first anti-poverty policy in Taiwan developed to provide incentives for the poor to accumulate assets for their future. Using CFEDAs as an example, this article analyses the process of developing and implementing an asset-based policy. It begins with an introduction to the policy structure. It then reviews the history of how the innovative idea of building assets for the poor became a policy proposal before presenting the convergence of three policy streams driving the prioritisation of CFEDAs in Taiwan’s policy agenda. It concludes with challenges facing the policy implementation.  相似文献   
97.
秦和平 《民族学刊》2019,10(6):52-60, 125-126
民主改革是20世纪中后期中国共产党采取协商方式,领导部分边疆民族地区上层人士及劳动人民,开展以废除奴隶制或农奴制、消除剥削压迫、土地改革为中心的社会改造。建国初期,邓小平等依据民主主义的任务,结合民族地区实际,提出采取协商方式、实行宽大措施开展土改的构想。再经总结,提升为民主改革(和平协商土地改革、直接过渡),载之宪法,成为共产党的“既定方针”,改造部分民族旧社会形态。即使采取协商方式开展改革,也有可能遭到反对。针对叛乱,邓小平确定“政治争取为主与军事打击结合”的方针,组织群众,平息叛乱,保障改革、坚决改革。在改革上,邓小平及时作出指示,引导改革顺利开展,确定“发动群众、上层协商”的改革方针。“发动群众”表明改革依靠群众;“上层协商”反映用“赎买”施以改革,从而形成有中国特色的社会改造方式。文章通过对为什么要改革、怎样改革、依靠谁改革,以及如何对待叛乱的分析,阐述了邓小平对民主改革的认识,也是邓小平解决部分民族地区社会形态的理论成果。  相似文献   
98.
Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) and the government of Nepal have made some effort to reduce poverty in Nepal by creating women's affiliation groups, some of which are micro‐credit organizations. Using capabilities as defined by Amartya Sen (Development as freedom, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000), which includes employment opportunities, women's ownership in productive resources such as land and/or homes, educational opportunities, and women's participation in decision‐making in the family, this study evaluated the extent to which women's ethnic group or caste affiliation affected a woman's likelihood of being empowered by participation in these groups. We analyzed a sample of 8,973 women which was taken from the 2011 Nepal Demographic and Health Survey. Previous research has demonstrated that participation in gender‐based groups is correlated with higher economic status. This study adds to the literature on women's affiliation groups by investigating the impact of structural factors, such as caste and ethnicity, on women's self‐help group participation (women's groups and credit groups).  相似文献   
99.
This article examines poverty and welfare provision in early twentieth-century Beijing as dialogue and transaction between the city government and the urban poor. Earlier studies of the Chinese urban have tended to emphasize the material aspects of urban development, and the efforts of planners and city governments to modernize China’s cities, rather than the human experience of the city. This article draws on the extensive archives of the Beijing Municipal Government Social Affairs Bureau to extend our understanding of the experience of poverty and the agency of the poor. The archive confirms that Beijing’s growing and increasingly formalized welfare institutions were designed to discipline the poor as they alleviated poverty. However, the correspondence between applicants for welfare and the Social Affairs Bureau also reveals that the poor often approached these institutions instrumentally and assertively. Recourse to the welfare institute became a livelihood tactic, a claim on the authorities in pursuit of which certain sub-groups within the poor mobilized intangible assets, from social networks to understanding of the intended terms of the system, to sway the terms of their engagement with the authorities in their own favour.  相似文献   
100.
刘天 《民族学刊》2016,7(6):85-89,121-123
In 2012 , State Ethnic Affairs Com-mission of the People’ s Republic of China( hereaf-ter SEAC ) announced an outline concerning the protection and development of‘ethnic minority vil-lages with special characteristics ’ . The develop-ment of such villages is one of the important tasks of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission:this devel-opment aims to foster the conservation of ethnic culture and to accelerate the development of the ethnic areas in which these villages lie. On Sep-tember 23 , 2014 , the State Ethnic Affairs Com-mission announced guanyu minming shoupi zhong-guo shaoshu minzu tese chunzhai de tongzhi ( No-tice on the Naming of the First Group of China ’ s Ethnic Minority Villages with Special Characteris-tics):340 villages in total were inscribed into the list of this so-called ‘First Batch ’ , among which four villages of Sichuan province were included:( i) Jiefang village of Haqu in Leshan, ( ii) Mutuo Village of Maoxian in Aba, ( iii) Shangmo Village of Songfan in Aba, and ( iv) Guza Village of Seda in Ganzi. With the support of the so-called‘Poverty Al-leviation Policy’ , tourism in ethnic minority villa-ges has been booming; however, this has also re-sulted in a new series of related problems that need to be addressed. Tourism development obviously had reduced regional poverty. Since the 1980s, the promotion of economic development through tourism in the ethnic areas ( with a corresponding improvement of people ’ s living conditions ) has been widely accepted by society. Also in the prov-ince of Sichuan the ‘poverty alleviation through tourism’ policy has led to economic growth and has reduced the poverty of the people in the ethnic mi-nority areas. From 2011 to 2014, the SEAC has invested 57. 8 million Yuan in the development of ethnic minority villages in Sichuan province. This has led to the implementation of 73 projects and has benefited around 100,000 people, 7 indige-nous ethnic groups, and 11 prefectures and munic-ipalities in Sichuan. It seems that this‘poverty al-leviation through tourism ’ ( hereafter PATT ) has resulted in good economic and social effects. Ethnic minority villages in Sichuan share sim-ilar challenges: ( i) a low level of production and productivity,economic backwardness, simplistic e-conomic infrastructure, cultural narrow-minded-ness, a low level of education and personal devel-opment, and a fragile condition of local nature and cultural surroundings. Moreover, tourism has since deeply altered previous development models for these regions: this has also brought many new problems, like e. g. how to correctly distribute the newly acquired economic benefits and profits, as well as cultural and environmental protection is-sues. Many of these problems seem to be only tran-sitional;however, these challenges do ask for the necessary tweaks of the PATT policies. This article thus tries to review the model of PATT as imple-mented in the ethnic villages of Sichuan. The arti-cle explores its different stages/aspects:( i) adap-tation of goals, ( ii) the changing role of the gov-ernment, ( iii) an evolving profit model for local people, and ( iv ) evolving local talent discovery and activation. The first aspect of PATT is the change of the development goals. At first, the priority is to get rid of poverty through tourism. To initially boost local tourism, the government must make major in-vestments: enhancement of the basic infrastruc-ture, creation of a touristic brand and initial adver-tising for the ethnic villages. However, when the PATT has been effectively implemented, and reached a mature stage of development, i. e. the village has become relatively popular and annual numbers of tourists have reached a stable good lev-el, the goals must be adapted: economic develop-ment should change to sustainable development. The new goals would be a combination of local tourism and local related industries, such as handi-craft products, catering and other hospitality busi-nesses etc. When all of this takes place, the eth-nic villages and areas seem to be able to arrive at a green and sustainable development path. The second stage is the change of the role of government. As said, in the beginning large in-vestments in infrastructure, tourism marketing and publicity are needed. In this start-up stage, the village needs quite a lot of human and material re-sources. Without the financial and human aid of the government, it’ s very hard to change a local ethnic minority village into a tourist destination. Hence, the government should play a supportive role during the initial stages of tourism develop-ment, while taking the local villagers ’ will and ethnic culture into consideration: the government should consult with the villagers and encourage the villagers’ participation in the whole development process. When indeed the PATT reaches a mature phase, the local people can take over. By then the locals have gained much experience;their attitudes and business skills have sufficiently improved so the government can take a step back, leaving the villagers to further develop the villages by them-selves. The third aspect is an ‘evolving profit model for local people ’ . During the initial stages of PATT, it’ s all about developing basic tourism pro-jects: at this moment, the main profit models for businesses rely on ( a) ethnic culture projects with distinct characteristics, ( b ) establishing high quality modes of the tourists route, and ( c) pro-moting the unique name and fame of the villages. However, when PATT reaches a mature stage, the villagers themselves must further develop and maintain their unique brand and fame. As said, the government takes a step back while local peo-ple are to develop new related sustainable profit models. The fourth issue is the further evolution of‘local talent discovery and activation ’ or‘talent mechanisms’ . Before the initial stages of PATT in Sichuan, the local villagers of the ethnic minorities had been engaged in traditional agriculture for many years;hence it was difficult for them to tran-sition into modern industries such as tourism and hospitality. Moreover, there were very few locals who had any knowledge of this tourism/hospitality industry. E. g. only some elderly people conducted simplistic tour guide practices for tourists: they were unable to provide any in-depth explanations of the traditional ethnic customs and culture due to language barriers. Thus, outsiders ( including gov-ernment staff and tourism professionals ) had to come in and provide advanced concepts, methods, and training. More importantly, a new ‘local tal-ent team’ had to discover and activate local people with tourism talents/abilities. This allowed for a genuine local tourism industry to come into exist-ence and further evolve. However, when PATT reaches a mature stage, the government should re-turn the economic benefits back to the local people and give them the dominant right to further self-de-velopment. A newly developed professional middle class will then allow the local people to further de-cide on the future of the ethnic villages. After the initial ‘local talent discovery and activation ’ , a more mature ‘talent mechanism ’ should be formed. Led by the best local talents, people from all circles should be encouraged to take part in the further development of the local villages and areas:this allows for greater stability and continuity, while new talents can develop more. This article has analyzed the implementation and adaptation of PATT in the province of Si-chuan, including the ( i) adaptation of goals, ( ii) the changing role of the government, ( iii) an evol-ving profit model for local people, and ( iv) evol-ving local talent discovery and activation. Howev-er, the development of ethnic minority villages still seems to face many difficulties and challenges, and need to be studied and discussed more.  相似文献   
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